{"id":437,"date":"2015-03-04T01:41:44","date_gmt":"2015-03-04T01:41:44","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.thecafeprojects.com\/declarationproject\/?p=437"},"modified":"2015-07-01T02:22:57","modified_gmt":"2015-07-01T02:22:57","slug":"declaration-of-the-national-anti-slavery-convention","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/declarationproject.org\/?p=437","title":{"rendered":"Declaration of the National Anti-Slavery Convention (1833)"},"content":{"rendered":"

Editor’s Note: Written by the abolitionist, journalist and social former William Lloyd Garrison, this declaration of sentiments — published on December 14, 1833 in\u00a0The Liberator —\u00a0<\/em>heralded the birth of\u00a0the American Anti-Slavery Society, incorporating key passages of our Declaration of July 4, 1776 to advance its arguments.<\/p>\n

Declaration of the National Anti-Slavery Convention<\/strong><\/h2>\n

The Convention, assembled in the City of Philadelphia to organize a National Anti-Slavery Society, promptly seize the opportunity to promulgate the following Declaration of Sentiments<\/strong>, as cherished by them in relation to the enslavement of one-sixth portion of the American people.<\/p>\n

More than fifty-seven years have elapsed since a band of patriots convened in this place, to devise measures for the deliverance of this country from a foreign yoke. The corner-stone upon which is founded the Temple of Freedom<\/strong> was broadly this\u2014that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life,\u00a0LIBERTY<\/em><\/strong>, and the pursuit of happiness.<\/q> At the sound of that trumpet-call, three millions of people rose up as from the sleep of death, and rushed to the strife of blood; deeming it more glorious to die instantly as freemen, than desirable to live one hour as slaves.\u2014They were few in number\u2014poor in resources; but the honest conviction that Truth<\/strong>, Justice<\/strong>, and Right<\/strong> were on their side, made them invincible.<\/p>\n

We have met together for the achievement of an enterprise, without which, that of our fathers is incomplete, and which, for its magnitude, solemnity, and probable results upon the destiny of the world, as far transcends theirs, as moral truth does physical force.<\/p>\n

In purity of motive, in earnestness of zeal, in decision of purpose, in intrepidity of action, in steadfastness of faith, in sincerity of spirit, we would not be inferior to them.<\/p>\n

Their<\/em> principles led them to wage war against their oppressors, and to spill human blood like water, in order to be free. Ours<\/em> forbid the doing of evil that good may come, and lead us to reject, and to entreat the oppressed to reject, the use of all carnal weapons for deliverance from bondage\u2014relying solely upon those which are spiritual, and mighty through God to the pulling down of strong holds.<\/p>\n

Their<\/em> measures were physical resistance\u2014the marshalling in arms\u2014the hostile array\u2014the mortal encounter. Ours<\/em> are such only as the opposition of moral purity to moral corruption\u2014the destruction of error by the potency of truth\u2014the overthrow of prejudice by the power of love\u2014and the abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance.<\/p>\n

Their<\/em> grievances, great as they were, were trifling in comparison with the wrongs and sufferings of those for whom we plead. Our fathers were never slaves\u2014never bought and sold like cattle\u2014never shut out from the light of knowledge and religion\u2014never subjected to the last of brutal taskmasters.<\/p>\n

But those, for whose emancipation we are striving,\u2014constituting at the present time at least one-sixth part of our countrymen,\u2014are recognised by the laws, and treated by their fellow beings, as marketable commodities\u2014as goods and chattels\u2014as brute beasts;\u2014are plundered daily of the fruits of their toil without redress;\u2014really enjoy no constitutional nor legal protection from licentious and murderous outrages upon their persons;\u2014are ruthlessly torn asunder\u2014the tender babe from the arms of its frantic mother\u2014the heart-broken wife from her weeping husband\u2014at the caprice or pleasure of irresponsible tyrants;\u2014and, for the crime of having a dark complexion, suffer the pangs of hunger, the infliction of stripes, and the ignominy of brutal servitude. They are kept in heathenish darkness by laws expressly enacted to make their instruction a criminal offence.<\/p>\n

These are the prominent circumstances in the condition of more than TWO MILLIONS<\/em><\/strong> of our people, the proof of which may be found in thousands of indisputable facts, and in the laws of the slaveholding States.<\/p>\n

Hence we maintain\u2014<\/p>\n

That in view of the civil and religious privileges of this nation, the guilt of oppression is unequalled by any other on the face of the earth;\u2014and, therefore,<\/p>\n

That it is bound to repent instantly, to undo the heavy burden, to break every yoke, and to let the oppressed go free.<\/p>\n

We further maintain\u2014<\/p>\n

That no man has a right to enslave or imbrute his brother\u2014to hold or acknowledge him, for one moment, as a piece of merchandise\u2014to keep back his hire by fraud\u2014or to brutalize his mind by denying him the means of intellectual, social, and moral improvement.<\/p>\n

The right to enjoy liberty is inalienable. To invade it, is to usurp the prerogative of Jehovah. Every man has a right to his own body\u2014to the products of his own labor\u2014to the protection of the law\u2014and to the common advantages of society. It is piracy to buy or steal a native African, and subject him to servitude. Surely hte sin is as great to enslave an American<\/strong> as an African<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

Therefore we believe and affirm\u2014<\/p>\n

That there is no difference, in principle<\/em>, between the African slave trade and American slavery;<\/p>\n

That every American citizen, who retains a human being in involuntary bondage, is [according to Scripture] a man-stealer<\/strong>;<\/p>\n

That the slaves ought instantly to be set free, and brought under the protection of law;<\/p>\n

That if they had lived from the time of Pharaoh down to the present period, and had been entailed through successive generations, their right to be free could never have been alienated, but their claims would have constantly risen in solemnity;<\/p>\n

That all those laws which are now in force, admitting the right of slavery, are therefore before God utterly null and void; being an audacious usurpation of the Divine prerogative, a daring infringement on the law of nature, a base overthrow of the very foundations of the social compact, a complete extinction of all the relations, endearments and obligations of mankind, and a presumptuous transgression of all the holy commandments\u2014and that therefore they ought to be instantly abrogated.<\/p>\n

We further believe and affirm\u2014<\/p>\n

That all persons of color who possess the qualifications which are demanded of others, ought to be admitted forthwith to the enjoyment of the same privileges, and the exercise of the same prerogatives, as others; and that the paths of preferment, of wealth, of intelligence, shouldbe opened as widely to them as to persons of a white complexion.<\/p>\n

We maintain that no compensation should be given to the planters emancipating their slaves\u2014<\/p>\n

Because it would be a surrender of the great fundamental principle that man cannot hold property in man;<\/p>\n

Because Slavery is a crime, and therefore it is not an article to be sold<\/strong>;<\/p>\n

Because the holders of slaves are not the just proprietors of what they claim;\u2014freeing the slaves is not depriving them of property, but restoring it to the right owner;\u2014it is not wronging the master, but righting the slave\u2014restoring him to himself;<\/p>\n

Because immediate and general emancipation would only destroy nominal, not real property: it would not amputate a limb or break a bone of the slaves, but by infusing motives into their breasts, would make them doubly valuable to the masters as free laborers; and<\/p>\n

Because if compensation is to be given at all, it should be given to the outraged and guiltless slaves, and not to those who have plundered and abused them.<\/p>\n

We regard, as delusive, cruel, and dangerous, any scheme of expatriation which pretends to aid, either directly or indirectly, in the emancipation of the slaves, or to be a substitute for the immediate and total abolition of slavery.<\/p>\n

We fully and unanimously recognise the sovereignty of each State, to legislate exclusively on the subject of the slavery which is tolerated within its limits. We concede that Congress, under the present national compact<\/em>, has no right to interfere with any of the slave States, in relation to this momentous subject.<\/p>\n

But we maintain that Congress has a right, and is solemnly bound, to suppress the domestic slave trade between the several States, and to abolish slavery in those portions of our territory which the Constitution has placed under its exclusive jurisdiction.<\/p>\n

We also maintain that there are, at the present time, the highest obligations resting upon the people of the free States, to remove slavery by moral and political action, as prescribed in the Constitution of the United States. They are now living under a pledge of tremendous physical force to fasten the galling fetters of tyranny upon the limbs of millions in the southern States;\u2014they are liable to be called at any moment to suppress a general insurrection of the slaves;\u2014they authorise the slave owner to vote for three-fifths of his slaves as property, and thus enable him to perpetuate his oppression;\u2014they support a standing army at the south for its protection;\u2014and they seize the slave who has escaped into their territories, and send him back to be tortured by an enraged master or a brutal driver.<\/p>\n

This relation to slavery is criminal and full of danger; it must be broken up<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

These are our views and principles\u2014these, our designs and measures. With entire confidence in the overruling justice of God, we plant ourselves upon the Declaration of Independence, and upon the truths of Divine Revelation, as upon everlasting rock<\/strong>.<\/p>\n

We shall organize Anti-Slavery Societies, if possible, in every city, town and village of our land.<\/p>\n

We shall send forth Agents to lift up the voice of remonstrance, of warning, of entreaty and rebuke.<\/p>\n

We shall circulate, unsparingly and extensively, anti-slavery tracts and periodicals.<\/p>\n

We shall enlist the pulpit<\/strong> and the press<\/strong> in the cause of the suffering and the dumb.<\/p>\n

We shall aim at a purification of the churches from all participation in the guilt of slavery.<\/p>\n

We shall encourage the labor of freemen over that of slaves, by giving a preference to their productions;\u2014and<\/p>\n

We shall spare no exertions nor means to bring the whole nation to speedy repentance.<\/p>\n

Our trust for victory is solely in GOD<\/em><\/strong>. We<\/em> may be personally defeated, but our principles never. Truth<\/strong>, Justice<\/strong>, Reason<\/strong>, Humanity<\/strong>, must and will gloriously triumph. Already a host is coming up to help the Lord against the mighty, and the prospect before us is full of encouragement.<\/p>\n

Submitting this DECLARATION<\/em><\/strong> to the candid examination of people of this country, and of the friends of liberty all over the world, we hereby affix our signatures to it;\u2014pledging ourselves that, under the guidance and by the help of Almighty God, we will do all that in us lies, consistently with this Declaration of our principles, to overthrow the most execrable system of slavery that has ever been witnessed upon earth\u2014to deliver our land from its deadliest curse\u2014to wipe out the foulest stain which rests upon our national escutcheon\u2014and to secure to the colored population of the United States all the rights and privileges which belong to them as men and as Americans\u2014come what may to our persons, our interests, or our reputations\u2014whether we live to witness the triumph of Justice<\/strong>, Liberty<\/strong>, and Humanity<\/strong>, or perish untimely as martyrs in this great, benevolent and holy cause.<\/p>\n

Source:<\/p>\n

http:\/\/fair-use.org\/the-liberator\/1833\/12\/14\/declaration-of-the-national-anti-slavery-convention<\/p>\n

Antislavery Political Writing, 1833-1860<\/em>, C. Bradley Thompson, Ed., M.E. Sharpe, Inc. 2004<\/p>\n

Image source:<\/p>\n

http:\/\/www.loc.gov\/exhibits\/treasures\/images\/at0099_3s.jpg<\/p>\n

Further reading:<\/p>\n

Antislavery Political Writing, 1833-1860<\/em>, C. Bradley Thompson, Ed., M.E. Sharpe, Inc. 2004<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Editor’s Note: Written by the abolitionist, journalist and social former William Lloyd Garrison, this declaration of sentiments — published on December 14, 1833 in\u00a0The Liberator —\u00a0heralded the birth of\u00a0the American Anti-Slavery Society, incorporating key passages of our Declaration of July 4, 1776 to advance its arguments. Declaration of the National Anti-Slavery Convention The Convention, assembled […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":972,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[7,39],"tags":[193,217,78,25,119,63,218,69,91],"class_list":["post-437","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-19thcentury","category-declaration-of-sentiments","tag-american-civil-war","tag-anti-slavery","tag-equality","tag-freedom","tag-justice","tag-liberty","tag-national-anti-slavery-society","tag-rights","tag-slavery"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/declarationproject.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/437","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/declarationproject.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/declarationproject.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/declarationproject.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/declarationproject.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=437"}],"version-history":[{"count":8,"href":"https:\/\/declarationproject.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/437\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1413,"href":"https:\/\/declarationproject.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/437\/revisions\/1413"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/declarationproject.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/972"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/declarationproject.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=437"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/declarationproject.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=437"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/declarationproject.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=437"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}